A week after Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) survived the closure case for anti-secular activity thanks to a controversial Constitutional Court ruling (the 11-man panel fell one vote short of the 7 needed), AKP has hit back, and it has hit back where it hurts the most as far as Turkish secularity is concerned; education.
The debate on secularity heated up in recent times when AKP decided to lift the headscarf ban in universities. The Constitutional Court eventually blocked the attempt but the controversy didn’t subside. Interestingly, in France, the birthplace of modern secularity, the Islamic headscarf and other religious symbols such as the Christian cross are tolerated in post-secondary institutions. They are banned only in public schools.
Today’s Turkish press headlines display very well the deep divisions that continue to mark Turkish political scene where 3 main camps oppose: the Kemalists, the democrats and the post or neo-Islamists:
Academic Storm Over Rector Picks, Turkish Daily News
Resignations Hit University, Hurriyet
University Rises, Cumhuriyet
Same Crisis Again, Vatan
New Rectors Pledge Higher Standards, Zaman.
Gül in his Predecessor’s Shoes
What seems to be an “academic storm” started on 5 August 2008 when President Abdullah Gül (in picture with wife) acted exactly like his predecessors; he appointed university rectors based on their political and ideological affiliations. More specifically, their stance on the recent headscarf controversy. He ignored the choice made by the academic community and refused to appoint 9 of 21 candidates who had won their university elections.
In Turkey, the rectors of public universities are selected for 4 years (renewable only once) through a 3-phase process:
1. The university community goes through an election-type endorsement process: candidates are nominated, interviewed and then voted. The 6 candidates who receive the highest number of votes are introduced to the Higher Education Board (YÖK).
2. YÖK shortlists 3, may change their ranking, and submits submits the list to the President.
3. The President makes the appointment. The President may choose any of the 3 in the YÖK list, regardless of their rank on the list and the votes obtained in the 1st phase.
Controversies have usually occurred in relation to how things proceed in the 2nd and the 3rd phases:
A) The choice of 3 candidates whom YÖK eliminates
B) When YÖK modifies the top 3 ranking
C) When the President doesn’t appoint the most popular candidate, also known as presidential veto.
This is how Turkish Daily News covered the recent events. Summarized excerpts:
The academic community’s reactions to Gül’s Tuesday appointments were swift. Acts of protest, mainly in the form of resignation, were carried out yesterday as well as today.
It seems Turkey is entering into yet another cycle of unrest which may intensify after students return from summer holidays and the academic life resumes.
On the reaction of the academic community, summarized excerpts from Hurriyet:
Who are the Victims?
Although I am fiercely opposed to covering the head by women, I am rather in favor of allowing the headscarf in institutions of higher education where students are supposedly sovereign adults. Therefore, I have never felt much sympathy for the Kemalist resistance to lifting the Islamic headscarf ban. Moreover, we knew and now we have the proof that the resistance movement was being manipulated by extremists such as Ergenekon.
Furthermore, I have always thought that if the AKP law passed, many Turkish women who do not attend university due to the current ban would be able to continue their higher education; a rather positive outcome after all.
I am happy to see that in Armenia we allow and tolerate Moslem women to come to class wearing the veil. Though I admit these are exceptional cases. I understand that in countries where Islam is the dominant religion, modern women and men may resent such liberal practices.
However, regardless of one’s position on the Islamic headscarf, one cannot agree with the way AKP has handled rector appointments; even if some of the dismissed candidates are known to be hardcore Kemalists. I would like to express my sincere solidarity with all the academics who have been victim of this political-ideological interference.
The debate on secularity heated up in recent times when AKP decided to lift the headscarf ban in universities. The Constitutional Court eventually blocked the attempt but the controversy didn’t subside. Interestingly, in France, the birthplace of modern secularity, the Islamic headscarf and other religious symbols such as the Christian cross are tolerated in post-secondary institutions. They are banned only in public schools.
Today’s Turkish press headlines display very well the deep divisions that continue to mark Turkish political scene where 3 main camps oppose: the Kemalists, the democrats and the post or neo-Islamists:
Academic Storm Over Rector Picks, Turkish Daily News
Resignations Hit University, Hurriyet
University Rises, Cumhuriyet
Same Crisis Again, Vatan
New Rectors Pledge Higher Standards, Zaman.
Gül in his Predecessor’s Shoes
What seems to be an “academic storm” started on 5 August 2008 when President Abdullah Gül (in picture with wife) acted exactly like his predecessors; he appointed university rectors based on their political and ideological affiliations. More specifically, their stance on the recent headscarf controversy. He ignored the choice made by the academic community and refused to appoint 9 of 21 candidates who had won their university elections.
In Turkey, the rectors of public universities are selected for 4 years (renewable only once) through a 3-phase process:
1. The university community goes through an election-type endorsement process: candidates are nominated, interviewed and then voted. The 6 candidates who receive the highest number of votes are introduced to the Higher Education Board (YÖK).
2. YÖK shortlists 3, may change their ranking, and submits submits the list to the President.
3. The President makes the appointment. The President may choose any of the 3 in the YÖK list, regardless of their rank on the list and the votes obtained in the 1st phase.
Controversies have usually occurred in relation to how things proceed in the 2nd and the 3rd phases:
A) The choice of 3 candidates whom YÖK eliminates
B) When YÖK modifies the top 3 ranking
C) When the President doesn’t appoint the most popular candidate, also known as presidential veto.
This is how Turkish Daily News covered the recent events. Summarized excerpts:
"Akaydın of Akdeniz University, known for his harsh opposition and declarations against an AKP-sponsored law to let Islamic headscarves be worn in universities, lost his seat, despite sweeping votes of academics. Akaydın argued that Gül's decision is ideological. “My defense of secular values of the Republic is seen as a liability. I am paying for the headscarf decision,” he stated. Akaydın had 293 votes in rector elections, while Prof. Kurtcephe, who was chosen by Gül received 207.Academics Protest
Education expert Güçlü from daily Milliyet said he is convinced that Gül's decision is political. “The prime minister and president
talked a lot about democracy. When I look from outside, I see a discrepancy between what they said and what is done”. “Moreover, when former President Sezer [Kemalist] disregarded rector elections in certain universities, the AKP government criticized both YÖK and Sezer,” he recalled.
Another controversial name is professor Saraç, number one on the YÖK list but third in the university elections. Gül nominated Saraç, who was an AKP nominee from Diyarbakır in 22 July general elections.
Likewise, Gül agreed with YÖK on the new rector of Fırat University. Professor Bingöl was among academics who supported the wearing of the Islamic headscarf in universities during his term as rector from 2002 to 2004.
One name reflecting different attitudes between Gül and former President Sezer was professor Ayhan, the new rector of Gazi University. Ayhan was left out of office by Sezer in previous rector nominations despite his first-place finish in university elections."
The academic community’s reactions to Gül’s Tuesday appointments were swift. Acts of protest, mainly in the form of resignation, were carried out yesterday as well as today.
It seems Turkey is entering into yet another cycle of unrest which may intensify after students return from summer holidays and the academic life resumes.
On the reaction of the academic community, summarized excerpts from Hurriyet:
“The initial reaction from universities came on Wednesday when 12 professors, including a dean, resigned from Istanbul Technical University (ITU) in protest to the appointments. Academics from ITU gathered in the main campus of the university with the former rector, Prof. Karadogan, to protest Gul's appointments.Vatan newspaper that has entitled its article “Same Crisis Again” to emphasize the continuity of style between Kemalists (Sezner) and neo-Islamists (Gül), has put the number of resigned academics much higher.
In the elections held at ITU, Karadogan garnered 362 votes, while his competitor Prof. Sahin got 209. Gül, however, appointed Sahin as the new chief of the university. "Our university has a tradition. It was always governed by the people who are elected by the university staff. These resignations came to protest a practice that axes this tradition. Politics had never influenced this university like this before," Karadogan told the broadcaster NTV. “Students and lecturers at our university are secular and democratic people. Being secular is a prerequisite for being democratic,” he added.
In Ankara, the dean of the medical faculty at Gazi University, Prof Dursun and her deputy, as well as the executive committee of the university's hospital, submitted their resignations. Gul appointed Prof Riza Ayhan as the new rector of the university. Ayhan was vetoed by former president Sezer.”
Who are the Victims?
Although I am fiercely opposed to covering the head by women, I am rather in favor of allowing the headscarf in institutions of higher education where students are supposedly sovereign adults. Therefore, I have never felt much sympathy for the Kemalist resistance to lifting the Islamic headscarf ban. Moreover, we knew and now we have the proof that the resistance movement was being manipulated by extremists such as Ergenekon.
Furthermore, I have always thought that if the AKP law passed, many Turkish women who do not attend university due to the current ban would be able to continue their higher education; a rather positive outcome after all.
I am happy to see that in Armenia we allow and tolerate Moslem women to come to class wearing the veil. Though I admit these are exceptional cases. I understand that in countries where Islam is the dominant religion, modern women and men may resent such liberal practices.
However, regardless of one’s position on the Islamic headscarf, one cannot agree with the way AKP has handled rector appointments; even if some of the dismissed candidates are known to be hardcore Kemalists. I would like to express my sincere solidarity with all the academics who have been victim of this political-ideological interference.
The victims are not only those 9 colleagues who were elected by their peers and Mr. Gül chose to ignore. The victims are not those who have voted for these 9 and now see themselves completely ridiculed by the President. The victims are not even the remaining 12 who were elected by their peers and confirmed by Mr. Gül as Mr. Gül’s O.K. is now considered as an ideological and therefore a discrediting one. The victim is Turkey's university community as a whole. It is the institutional autonomy that has been compromised.
